{"id":5892,"date":"2026-07-01T11:05:22","date_gmt":"2026-07-01T11:05:22","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/movinginsiderusa.com\/?p=5892"},"modified":"2026-07-01T11:05:22","modified_gmt":"2026-07-01T11:05:22","slug":"supreme-court-losses-cause-some-transgender-activists-to-rethink-legal-strategy","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/movinginsiderusa.com\/?p=5892","title":{"rendered":"Supreme Court losses cause some transgender activists to rethink legal strategy"},"content":{"rendered":"
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Demonstrators carry transgender flags outside the U.S. Supreme Court on Jan. 13 as the justices hear oral arguments in two cases concerning state laws banning transgender athletes from girls’ and women’s sports teams. (Kevin Lamarque\/Reuters)<\/figcaption>\n<\/figure>\n

The Supreme Court\u2019s ruling Tuesday upholding state bans on transgender athletes in women\u2019s sports is prompting questions about whether trans rights litigators have made strategic missteps, saddling the ascendant legal movement with sweeping precedents that could hurt their cause for years to come.<\/p>

Read more Trump to honor a president he sees as a peer \u2014 Theodore Roosevelt<\/a><\/p>\n

Critics, including some trans rights advocates, say the movement has rushed to tee up causes that the court\u2019s 6-3 conservative majority is not ready to embrace \u2014 particularly expanded rights for trans athletes, which polls show most Americans oppose. Given the high court\u2019s solidly conservative record on LGBTQ+ issues, some supporters of trans rights are delivering a sobering message: Keep cases away from the Supreme Court.<\/p>\n

\u201cThe question right now is not whether transgender advocates should fight or not fight \u2014 it\u2019s whether going to hostile courts is the most prudent move,\u201d said Duncan Hosie, a fellow at the Stanford Constitutional Law Center and a supporter of legal protections for trans people.<\/p>\n

Given the Supreme Court\u2019s opinions last year upholding bans on transition care for minors and this week\u2019s ruling on trans athletes, Hosie said, it\u2019s clear that \u201ccourts are not the most prudent move.\u201d<\/p>\n

Tuesday\u2019s decision<\/a> found that states can separate teams based on \u201cbiological sex\u201d without offending the Constitution\u2019s guarantee of equal protection and Title IX, a landmark 1972 antidiscrimination law involving education.<\/p>\n

The court\u2019s six conservatives led the opinion, but even the court\u2019s liberal justices agreed that such bans do not violate Title IX. They disagreed with the majority\u2019s finding that the bans withstood scrutiny under the equal protection clause.<\/p>\n

The ruling capped a year of setbacks for the LGBTQ+ movement, which included a ruling against state bans on \u201cconversion therapy\u201d<\/a> for gay and trans minors, as well as an order temporarily halting California policies<\/a> that discouraged notification of parents when their children were socially transitioning at school.<\/p>\n

Litigators filing lawsuits on behalf of transgender plaintiffs say they face a frustrating dilemma. On one hand, the Trump administration and Republican-led states have implemented policies sharply restricting the rights of transgender people, and activists say those edicts must be fought.<\/p>\n

On the other hand, lawsuits challenging these policies are routinely reaching the Supreme Court and resulting in precedents that are detrimental to trans rights, covering the entire country and potentially lasting for decades.<\/p>\n

Chase Strangio, co-director of the American Civil Liberties Union\u2019s LGBT & HIV Project, said he recognizes the movement needs to \u201cadapt.\u201d But there are no easy answers, Strangio said, when \u201cyou have every branch of [the federal] government stacked against you.“<\/i><\/p>\n

“<\/i>You can\u2019t just throw up your hands and say, \u2018No, we are not going to pursue an advocacy strategy on behalf of a community that needs improved conditions of their lives,\u2019\u201d Strangio said.<\/p>\n

Jim Campbell, chief legal counsel at Alliance Defending Freedom, a Christian legal group that has opposed trans advocates in a number of cases, said the movement\u2019s problem is not strategy, but that their cases are wrong on the merits.<\/p>\n

\u201cThe arguments that they\u2019re making in these cases conflict with established law, science and common sense,\u201d Campbell said. \u201cI think that\u2019s why they have hit so many roadblocks.\u201d<\/p>\n

Doug Curtis, chief legal advocacy officer at Lambda Legal, which focuses on LGBTQ+ rights, rejected criticism that his organization and others have moved too fast in pushing to expand rights for transgender people before a Supreme Court dominated by conservatives.<\/p>\n

\u201cI just think that they\u2019re not right,\u201d Curtis said of those critics. \u201c<\/i>If we just stepped back and waited until the time was right to bring our case, we would never bring the cases.”<\/p>\n

Curtis said the losses only embolden him and others to battle harder in what he sees as a long-game strategy in the face of aggressive anti-LGBTQ+ policymaking.<\/p>\n

\u201cIt lights a fire of ferocity to fight back, because you can just see through your own personal experience how wrong and hurtful and harmful these laws can be,\u201d he said.<\/p>\n

The dilemma is one that has long confronted activists seeking to expand individual rights through the courts. From civil rights in the 1950s to women\u2019s equality in the 1970s, litigators have had to balance an urgent desire for change with the risk that a major ruling would backfire, forcing them pick their cases with care.<\/p>

Read more The unique Republican divide on data centers<\/a><\/p>\n

Over the past two terms, the Supreme Court has consistently ruled against expanding LGBTQ+ rights, offsetting or nullifying victories for trans rights advocates in lower courts.<\/p>\n

Last year, the Supreme Court allowed the Trump administration to ban transgender people from serving in the military<\/a> as challenges played out in lower courts. It also sided with the administration<\/a> in allowing officials, for now at least, to dictate that passports would reflect a person\u2019s sex at birth. The court also found that parents can opt their children out<\/a> of lessons featuring LGBTQ-themed storybooks, a ruling that has influenced other trans rights cases.<\/p>\n

The justices put an exclamation point on this jurisprudence with their ruling on Tuesday, the final day of the court\u2019s 2025-26 term, that allows states to ban transgender athletes in women\u2019s sports.<\/p>\n

Among the cases that has attracted the most internal second-guessing is a challenge to Tennessee\u2019s ban on transition care for minors, which resulted in a 6-3 decision<\/a> last year upholding the ban.<\/p>\n

That prompted criticism that trans rights advocates erred in bringing the case to the Supreme Court, especially as some of the scientific evidence about the safety of transition care was being called into question<\/a>.<\/p>\n

The ACLU\u2019s Strangio \u2014 the first openly transgender person to appear before the justices \u2014 had said during oral argument that Tennessee\u2019s law discriminated on the basis of sex. But Strangio was met with skepticism from the court\u2019s conservatives, who expressed concerns about the evolving nature of the science<\/a> around transition care and the potential risks to children.<\/p>\n

Amid the criticism that the case should not have been brought, advocates stood their ground. Kevin Jennings, chief executive of Lambda Legal, wrote a Washington Post op-ed<\/a> denying that LGBTQ+ rights litigators had charged too hard against public opinion and erred in thinking they could sway the Supreme Court\u2019s conservatives.<\/p>\n

\u201cSome advocates argue that it was too soon to raise this issue with the Supreme Court,\u201d Jennings wrote. \u201cBut that suggests there was a choice. With the proliferation of state bans, proposed by opponents of trans equality, this topic was inevitably going to end up at the high court.\u201d<\/p>\n

This year, rulings against LGBTQ+ rights kept coming.<\/p>\n

\u201cThe trans movement has become politically somewhat less popular and has lost some recent cases, so they\u2019re on the defensive,\u201d said Dilan Esper, a California-based civil rights attorney who worked with the ACLU in the 1990s. \u201dThat\u2019s always tough for any civil rights movement to be on the defense, <\/i>because the tendency is to want to go on offense and do advocacy campaigns and move the ball forward.” <\/i><\/p>\n

Esper and other civil rights attorneys, including Stanford\u2019s Hosie, said advocates could be more selective with the cases they bring.<\/p>\n

\u201cThat does not mean that you give up on transgender people right now,\u201d Hosie said. In a forthcoming Cornell Law Review article<\/a>, Hosie argues for a strategy of \u201cresistance through restraint\u201d when it comes to litigating many liberal causes, including LGBTQ+ issues.<\/p>\n

That includes potentially settling cases before they reach the Supreme Court or limiting adverse rulings to a lower court by not appealing them. The goal is to prevent major precedents that could set back the movement for LGBTQ+ rights while organizing outside the court system.<\/p>\n

Hosie cited the LGBTQ+ movement\u2019s pivot following the 1986 Supreme Court case Bowers v. Hardwick<\/i><\/a>, which upheld a Georgia law outlawing sodomy in the privacy of one\u2019s home. Instead of continuing to litigate the issue in the federal courts, LGBTQ organizations began lobbying state legislatures to repeal their anti-sodomy laws, while also pursuing claims in state courts. That grassroots strategy allowed the LGBTQ movement to further coalesce and publicize its message on gay rights, Hosie argues.<\/p>\n

In 2003, after the Supreme Court\u2019s composition changed, the court overturned the Bowers <\/i>decision in the landmark case Lawrence v. Texas<\/i><\/a>, which struck down a law banning private \u201chomosexual conduct.\u201d<\/p>\n

\u201cIn turning to incremental reform over bold legal claims over the preceding years, they allowed the institution and society to change,\u201d Hosie argues in his paper.<\/p>\n

Suzanne Goldberg, a professor at Columbia Law School, was co-counsel in the Lawrence <\/i>case, and she said there should always be a strategic balancing of risk versus reward.<\/p>\n

\u201cAt the same time, these cases involve real people who are suffering or being actively harmed by laws that seem to be unconstitutional or otherwise invalid,\u201d Goldberg said. \u201cI think sometimes that gets lost in the discussion of strategy and whether the movement is moving too quickly or not quickly enough.\u201d<\/p>

Read more Voters are angry with Washington, and other takeaways from the Colorado primaries<\/a><\/p>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

After a defeat on the issue of trans athletes in women’s sports, critics urge caution about bringing cases to the high court that might set harmful precedents.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":5890,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[1],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-5892","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-interesting"],"yoast_head":"\nSupreme Court losses cause some transgender activists to rethink legal strategy - Moving Insider USA<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/movinginsiderusa.com\/?p=5892\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"en_US\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"Supreme Court losses cause some transgender activists to rethink legal strategy - 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