{"id":7268,"date":"2026-07-13T11:06:20","date_gmt":"2026-07-13T11:06:20","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/movinginsiderusa.com\/?p=7268"},"modified":"2026-07-13T11:06:20","modified_gmt":"2026-07-13T11:06:20","slug":"how-colorblind-constitution-went-from-conservative-notion-to-legal-pillar","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/movinginsiderusa.com\/?p=7268","title":{"rendered":"How \u2018colorblind Constitution\u2019 went from conservative notion to legal pillar"},"content":{"rendered":"
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(Emma Kumer\/The Washington Post)<\/figcaption>\n<\/figure>\n

When John G. Roberts Jr. was a young lawyer in the Reagan administration, he repeatedly invoked the view that the Constitution is \u201ccolor-blind\u201d and forbids the government to make decisions based on race, even to combat the effects of discrimination.<\/p>

Read more Left-wing challengers are beating House Democrats. These incumbents could be next.<\/a><\/p>\n

Roberts spelled out that position in a 1982 memo<\/a> before a meeting on school busing. \u201cYou should reiterate our commitment to the color-blind principle, and our commitment to seek more effective desegregation remedies than the failed experiment of busing,\u201d Roberts wrote.<\/p>\n

More than four decades later, the \u201ccolor-blind principle\u201d is rapidly becoming a pillar of the law, ushered in by the Roberts-led Supreme Court, particularly over the past few months. The rise in the notion of legal colorblindness undergirds the court\u2019s historic rightward shift on civil rights issues, according to an analysis<\/a> conducted by three legal scholars for The Washington Post.<\/p>\n

The \u201ccolorblind Constitution\u201d concept has been cited in at least four recent Supreme Court opinions, including the landmark cases upholding birthright citizenship and rolling back much of the 1965 Voting Rights Act.<\/p>\n

In a case last month, the majority emphasized \u201cour colorblind Constitution\u201d in the first sentence of an opinion letting Alabama conduct its midterm elections with one, instead of two, majority-Black districts. It was the first time in history the court had cited the concept so prominently, according to legal experts.<\/p>\n

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Campaign volunteers promote their candidates outside a polling location in Mobile, Alabama, on May 19. The Supreme Court recently cited the concept of a “colorblind Constitution” in a ruling about the drawing of district lines in Alabama. (Micah Green\/Bloomberg\/Getty Images)<\/figcaption>\n<\/figure>\n

\u201cThis is not a new debate \u2014 I think what\u2019s new is the conservatives have a majority,\u201d said Josh Blackman, a professor at the South Texas College of Law, who wrote in a recent article<\/a> that the colorblind Constitution is now the \u201csupreme law of the land.\u201d<\/p>\n

For conservatives who have long pushed it, describing the Constitution as colorblind reflects the obvious point that America\u2019s founding document forbids dividing people by race.<\/p>\n

Andrea Lucas, the Republican chair of the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission, said in an interview its adoption is long overdue. Lucas has regularly invoked<\/a> the language as her agency targets diversity, equity and inclusion programs at the nation\u2019s largest companies.<\/p>\n

It is \u201ca reflection that the conservative legal movement has won the battle in a lot of ways that they\u2019ve been working for 40 years to do,\u201d she said.<\/p>\n

Liberals say the Constitution\u2019s authors, on the contrary, explicitly addressed race. Provisions like the 14th Amendment \u2014 whose guarantee of \u201cequal protection of the laws\u201d was adopted after the Civil War \u2014 were consciously intended to remedy racial inequality, they say.<\/p>\n

\u201cAs a matter of fact and of history, our Constitution is not colorblind,\u201d said Sherrilyn Ifill, former head of the NAACP Legal Defense and Educational Fund. \u201cThe court is essentially making up a doctrine that does not exist and that is not supported by the text or the history of the Constitution.\u201d<\/p>\n

Legal analysts say the Supreme Court\u2019s growing embrace of the phrase could hasten the end of race-conscious policies in education, housing, employment, redistricting and other areas.<\/p>\n

Trump administration officials have seized on the language.<\/p>\n

\u201c\u2018Our colorblind constitution.\u2019 There it is, in a Supreme Court opinion without objection from any dissenter,\u201d cheered GianCarlo Canaparo, a deputy assistant attorney general, in a social media post<\/a> shortly after the Alabama opinion.<\/p>\n

Soon after, the Justice Department issued a memo<\/a> arguing that EEOC regulations on affirmative action and disparate impact should be changed because they are not \u201ccolorblind.\u201d It likewise invoked<\/a> \u201cour colorblind Constitution\u201d in saying that preferences for \u201csocially disadvantaged\u201d groups in federal agriculture programs violate the Constitution.<\/p>\n

The debate often boils down to whether it\u2019s acceptable to use racial remedies to cure racial injustice. Civil rights leaders contend that after centuries of slavery, segregation and Jim Crow \u2014 often enshrined in law \u2014 it is irrational to claim the American legal system should be blind to the country\u2019s racial injustices.<\/p>\n

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A sign at a bus station in Durham, North Carolina, in 1940 reflects the segregated facilities of the era in the South. (Jack Delano\/PhotoQuest\/Getty Images)<\/figcaption>\n<\/figure>\n

Justice Ketanji Brown Jackson has argued in detail that the effects of slavery and Jim Crow continue today, as evidenced by vast gaps in educational opportunities, income and medical care between Black and White Americans.<\/p>\n

Ifill, currently a law professor at Howard University, said the decades-long quest by conservatives to implement a colorblind vision of the law reached an \u201capex\u201d this year. \u201cWhat it has done is it has completed a rhetorical project that a number of these justices have been set on for some time,\u201d Ifill said.<\/p>\n

Conservatives respond that policies like affirmative action and race-based gerrymandering do not remedy prejudice, but rather perpetuate it by bolstering racial stereotypes and by discriminating against a different set of disfavored groups, such as White people who took no part in the eras of slavery and Jim Crow.<\/p>

Read more Graham\u2019s journey with Trump embodies how the Republican Party has changed<\/a><\/p>\n

That view is embodied in a much-quoted sentence from a 2007 opinion by Roberts striking down race-conscious placements in Seattle grade schools: \u201cThe way to stop discrimination on the basis of race is to stop discriminating on the basis of race.\u201d<\/p>\n

As a young Justice Department attorney, Roberts\u2019s advocacy for legal colorblindness reflected the Reagan administration\u2019s broad opposition to race-conscious measures.<\/p>\n

\u201cWe want a colorblind society \u2014 a society that, in the words of Dr. [Martin Luther] King [Jr.], judges people not by the color of their skin, but by the content of their character,\u201d President Ronald Reagan said in a 1986 speech<\/a> opposing quota-based affirmative action.<\/p>\n

His administration attempted to revoke affirmative action requirements<\/a> for government contractors and initially opposed Congress\u2019s expansion of Section 2 of the Voting Rights Act, although Reagan ultimately signed it into law. (The Supreme Court this year walked back<\/a> those amendments.)<\/p>\n

But the Supreme Court did not always fully embrace the colorblind view. In a 1993 case involving race-based redistricting in North Carolina, then-Justice Sandra Day O\u2019Connor wrote that the high court \u201cnever has held that race-conscious state decision-making is impermissible in all circumstances.\u201d<\/p>\n

That began to change after Roberts joined the court as chief justice in 2005. He wrote several decisions endorsing the colorblind principle\u2019s reasoning, including his majority opinion<\/a> in the Seattle case. In a 2006 opinion involving racial gerrymandering in Texas, Roberts wrote<\/a>, \u201cIt is a sordid business, this divvying us up by race.\u201d<\/p>\n

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John G. Roberts Jr., left, accepts congratulations from President George W. Bush after being sworn in as chief justice of the Supreme Court on Sept. 29, 2005, at a ceremony that also included Associate Justice John Paul Stevens, far right, and his wife, Jane Roberts. (Win McNamee\/Getty Images)<\/figcaption>\n<\/figure>\n

Justice Clarence Thomas, who has served on the court since 1991, has likewise invoked the colorblind Constitution, using the language as far back as a 1994 opinion concurring<\/a> in a judgment in a case involving voter dilution allegations.<\/p>\n

The concept gained momentum in 2020, as the ascension of a new cadre of conservative justices appointed by President Donald Trump cemented a conservative majority on the court. It was most prominently advanced when the court in 2023 overturned affirmative action in admissions at Harvard University and the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, prompting a broad retreat<\/a> of diversity, equity and inclusion initiatives.<\/p>\n

As the justices increasingly introduced the colorblind Constitution into their opinions, they often cited its origin: a dissent against the infamous 1896 Supreme Court case Plessy v. Ferguson, <\/i>which upheld racial segregation through the \u201cseparate but equal\u201d doctrine.<\/p>\n

In the dissent, Justice John Marshall Harlan attacked \u201cseparate but equal\u201d as inherently discriminatory. \u201cOur Constitution is color-blind, and neither knows nor tolerates classes among citizens,\u201d Harlan wrote. \u201cIn respect of civil rights, all citizens are equal before the law.\u201d<\/p>\n

But in a significant shift last month, the court\u2019s conservatives referred to the colorblind Constitution in a majority opinion without quoting Harlan \u2014 a first that legal experts said cements the principle as a core legal tenet.<\/p>\n

The justices\u2019 views are undergirded by their conflicting assessments of how far the country has come in eliminating racism.<\/p>\n

In the court\u2019s decision rolling back Section 2 of the Voting Rights Act, Justice Samuel A. Alito Jr. wrote that \u201cvast social change has occurred throughout the country and particularly in the South.\u201d Roberts made a similar point in a 2013 majority opinion<\/a> invalidating a separate portion of the Voting Rights Act, writing, \u201cThings have changed dramatically.\u201d<\/p>\n

Kagan, in dissent, shot back that advancements in Black voter participations are largely because<\/i> of the Voting Rights Act \u2014 but \u201cit is a separate question whether those gains will endure once the Act\u2019s protections are gone.\u201d<\/p>\n

The dispute erupted anew last month when the court upheld the guarantee of birthright citizenship in the 14th Amendment and affirmed that almost everyone born on U.S. territory is an American citizen.<\/p>\n

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Bibi Reiffen of Maryland protests in support of birthright citizenship in front of the Supreme Court on April 1, 2026. (Samuel Corum\/Sipa USA\/Reuters Connect)<\/figcaption>\n<\/figure>\n

While joining the majority opinion<\/a>, Jackson lamented that the colorblind Constitution has \u201cloomed large\u201d in the court\u2019s interpretation of the amendment, adding in a footnote that there \u201care myriad ways in which the Court\u2019s adherence to color-blindness is mistaken.\u201d<\/p>\n

She added, \u201cThe Fourteenth Amendment is not color-blind; rather its core principle is that our Nation does not tolerate racial caste. \u2026 Our Nation did not undergo something as profound and world-shifting as \u2018Reconstruction\u2019 for naught.\u201d<\/p>

Read more Sen. Gary Peters backs Haley Stevens as Democrats brace for Michigan Senate fight<\/a><\/p>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

The once-obscure concept has been cited in recent landmark Supreme Court cases, but some liberals insist it has no basis in fact or history.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":7261,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[1],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-7268","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-interesting"],"yoast_head":"\nHow \u2018colorblind Constitution\u2019 went from conservative notion to legal pillar - Moving Insider USA<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/movinginsiderusa.com\/?p=7268\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"en_US\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"How \u2018colorblind Constitution\u2019 went from conservative notion to legal pillar - 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