In today’s edition … The Trump trend we did not expect during the World Cup … We ask you about political interference in science … but first …
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Lindsey Graham was not always a fan of Donald Trump.
But the late senator, whose death was announced on Sunday, so forcefully came around on the president that Trump was likely one of the last people to speak with the South Carolina Republican on Saturday.
That shift — from outspoken critic to unyielding confidant — exemplifies how Trump has transformed the Republican Party so completely in his own image, turning one-time skeptics into true believers while exiling those who refused to bend to his will.
Consider this: Graham went from calling Trump a “jackass” who would cost the party the presidency in 2016 to saying Trump was “not far behind God” a decade later.
Graham and Trump’s relationship began, in earnest, during the Republicans’ 2016 presidential primary, decades after Graham entered Congress as part of the Republican revolution of 1994. Graham’s campaign was short-lived; he entered the race in June 2015 and ended it six months later without fanfare. Two weeks after Graham’s announcement, however, Trump came down the escalator at Trump Tower and, well, never exited.
Graham was one of Trump’s harshest critics during his brief campaign, highlighted by the then-GOP frontrunner giving out the senator’s cell phone number at an event and Graham later calling Trump a “jackass.” Trump routinely mocked Graham’s low standing in the polls and called him “one of the dumbest human beings I have ever seen.” And Graham vented about the way Trump spoke about Sen. John McCain (R-Arizona).
After exiting in December 2015, Graham first endorsed former Florida governor Jeb Bush, then got behind Sen. Ted Cruz (R-Texas).
“If we nominate Trump, we will get destroyed,” Graham wrote on Twitter in May 2016 when Cruz dropped out. “And we will deserve it.”
Graham didn’t even vote for Trump in 2016, deciding instead to stand on the platform of the proverbial Trump train and vote for independent Evan McMullin.
What a difference a decade makes.
Over the next few years, Graham and Trump frequently golfed together, with the senator routinely gushing about the president’s golf game. That personal relationship became a professional one, with Graham becoming a key ally in the Senate and advising the president on a host of issues.
Political expedience was certainly at play. Graham benefited from Trump’s ear, and Trump benefited from an ally in the at-times skeptical Senate. Trump would years later describe Graham as “a wonderful friend.”
The most recent acrimony in the Graham-Trump relationship occurred around the Jan. 6, 2021, attack on the Capitol. Graham denounced the attack, linked it to Trump and declared their friendship over.
“Trump and I, we’ve had a hell of a journey. I hate it to end this way. Oh my God, I hate it,” Graham said. “All I can say is count me out. Enough is enough.”
It was not.
Graham would, once again, reconnect with Trump over golf and retake his position as one of the president’s closest allies. His flattery would continue — most clearly on foreign policy. When Trump struck Iran earlier this year, Graham said it would “go down in history as the catalyst for the most historic change in the Middle East in a thousand years.”
Graham is not alone in moving from a fierce opponent with significant doubts about Trump to a clear ally:
But Graham’s shift was different — more personal and all-in — better exemplifying how the Republican Party has gone from an institution skeptical of Trump to one that embodies his every whim.
Graham didn’t just become a Republican who pushed Trump’s priorities — he became a Trump-whisperer, someone whose personal friendship with the man he once excoriated not only survived, but thrived.
Yes, Graham was a flatterer (he once joked Trump was “not far behind God”) and shape-shifted on key issues (most clearly his ties to McCain). But all of that made him one of the few people Trump would listen to, something many Republicans right now are trying — and failing — to achieve.
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The World Cup final four is set. Spain will face France on Tuesday in Dallas. England will face Argentina on Wednesday in Atlanta.
You better believe this newsletter will be watching those matches. But we will also be watching Trump’s involvement in the tournament over its final week.
Headed into the tournament, the popular belief was that the 2026 World Cup would be the Trump show, with the boisterous president injecting himself — and his personality — into everything. There was plenty of reason for that belief. Trump was notably close with FIFA President Gianni Infantino, had played a central role in the FIFA Club World Cup last summer and, frankly, rarely lets a chance for attention go to waste.
But that hasn’t really happened.
Yes, Trump’s policies have impacted the tournament, namely the way the Iranian team was treated and the visa issues that marred the tournament for some participants and countries. And the president certainly injected himself into the red card imbroglio surrounding U.S. striker Folarin Balogun.
But the president has yet to attend a match, which means the first game the president attends in this World Cup will be the final game of the entire tournament. Trump will undoubtedly take center stage at the final, where he is expected to present the trophy to the winning team.
We will be keeping an eye on whether Trump’s relative disinterest in the inner workings of this tournament continues into the gathering’s final week. Or whether the president will look to take more credit for a tournament that, despite all its issues, has been a success.
Atlanta Journal-Constitution: Georgia has hosted several high-profile runoff elections in recent years. That likely won’t happen during the 2026 midterms because libertarians did not qualify for the ballot in the major races.
Times Picayune (New Orleans): The South has seen striking increases in education. Mississippi has received a lot of attention. But this report highlights how schools in New Orleans have seen notable increases in scores.
We asked you last week whether Maine Democrats should nominate someone similar to Graham Platner or distance themselves from the scandal-plagued former candidate. I actually published a story with Alexei Koseff on Saturday about this very topic.
We received a number of responses, ranging from a desire to nominate someone in line with Platner’s beliefs to simply picking someone who can beat Maine Sen. Susan Collins (R).
“Pick a Democrat who can beat Senator Collins. He or she does not need to be in Platner’s circle or even someone he likes. Simply pick someone who is a fighter and supports economic, tax, health, education, and foreign policy changes that will improve most Americans’ economic future and our standing in the world,” wrote B. Stockinger.
Richard Hill added, “The Democrats need to replace Platner with a woman to run against Collins. Otherwise, the Republicans will try to use his faults against the replacement candidate.”
Then there are those who want to find someone ideologically in line with Platner.
“Platner was elected based upon his position on issues that obviously matter to Maine voters. His replacement should share those same values — but without the baggage,“ wrote Catharine Linhart.
And Russell Jolly added, “I think that Mr. Platner hit on, and amplified, a widely felt dissatisfaction with politics as they are, and that another candidate with the same viewpoint could do very well.”
Our colleagues Riley Beggin, Susan Svrluga and Federica Cocco recently reported that scientific researchers are worried that a new Trump rule could end U.S. scientific dominance. The rule would give political appointees more power over hundreds of billions of dollars in discretionary grant funding. Supporters of the rule argue Trump is in power and should have a say over what is researched. What do you think? Should a political administration have that kind of power over scientific research? Let us and your fellow Early Brief readers know at [email protected].
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Thanks for reading. You can follow Dan on X at @merica.
